Darwin, therefore, argued that emotions evolved via natural selection and therefore have universal cross-cultural counterparts. Darwin also detailed the virtues of experiencing emotions and the parallel experiences that occur in animals.
What are the Desiderata? Two broad desiderata have governed the project of defining emotions in both philosophy and affective science: A definition that aims exclusively at a is a descriptive definition.
A definition that aims at b at the cost of possibly violating some ordinary intuitions is prescriptive. Scientists have also been interested in the study of folk emotion concepts, and they have applied to them experimental techniques common in the psychology of concepts.
There are better and worse examples of emotions as ordinarily understood e. What philosophers and affective scientists aim to offer are prescriptive definitions of emotions that preserve as much ordinary language compatibility as it is compatible with serving interest-dependent theoretical objectives.
One reason why theoreticians are not merely interested in outlining the contours of folk emotion concepts through descriptive definitions is that they suspect that such concepts may include widely diverse items that are not amenable to any robust theoretical generalizations.
At first blush, the things we ordinarily call emotions differ from one another along several dimensions. For example, some emotions are occurrences e.
Some involve strong motivations to act e. Some are present across species e. This multi-dimensional heterogeneity has led some Emotion in motion conclude that folk emotion categories do not designate natural kinds, either with respect to the generic category of emotion Rorty b, ; Griffiths ; Russell ; Zachar ; Kaganor with respect to specific emotion categories such as anger, fear, happiness, disgust, and so on Scarantino ; Barrett Others have argued that there is, nevertheless, enough homogeneity among instances of folk emotion categories to allow them to qualify as natural kinds e.
The concept of a natural kind is itself contentious and probably more suitable for discussing the categories affective scientists are interested in, so we will speak of theoretical kinds instead, understood as groupings of entities that participate in a body of philosophically or scientifically interesting generalizations due to some set of properties they have in common.
Whether folk emotion categories are homogeneous enough to qualify as theoretical kinds has important methodological implications. To the extent that they are, the prescriptive definitions of emotions the theorist offers can achieve both theoretical fruitfulness and maximal compatibility with ordinary linguistic usage in such case, prescriptive definitions will also be descriptively adequate.
To the extent that they are not homogeneous enough, prescriptive definitions will have to explicate folk emotion categories, transforming them so as to increase theoretical fruitfulness while giving up on some degree of ordinary language compatibility Carnap Theoretical fruitfulness, however, is conceived differently by philosophers and affective scientists.
The former often have as their primary target making sense of the human experience of emotions and sometimes to contribute to other projects in philosophy, such as explaining the origins of rational action or moral judgment, or shedding light on what makes life worth living, or investigating the nature of self-knowledge.
Affective scientists, by contrast, are more likely to favor a third-person approach that may be highly revisionary with respect to our first-person self-understanding. And their prescriptive definitions are often designed to promote measurement and experimentation for the purposes of prediction and explanation in a specific scientific discipline.
In this entry, we will assess philosophical and scientific definitions of emotions in terms of both ordinary language compatibility and theoretical fruitfulness, but acknowledge that the field currently lacks clear guidelines for how to strike a proper balance between these two desiderata.
Three Traditions in the Study of Emotions: At the same time, many of the things we call emotions today have been the object of theoretical analysis since Ancient Greece, under a variety of language-specific labels such as passion, sentiment, affection, affect, disturbance, movement, perturbation, upheaval, or appetite.
This makes for a long and complicated history, which has progressively led to the development of a variety of shared insights about the nature and function of emotions, but no consensual definition of what emotions are, either in philosophy or in affective science.
A widely shared insight is that emotions have components, and that such components are jointly instantiated in prototypical episodes of emotions.
Consider an episode of intense fear due to the sudden appearance of a grizzly bear on your path while hiking. At first blush, we can distinguish in the complex event that is fear an evaluative component e.
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One question that has divided emotion theorists is:e-motion is Now a Google. Cairo, Egypt (May 16, ) – Leading digital creative agency e-motion has been honoured by Google with Partner status for demonstrating AdWords exp. Apr,10, e-motion Launches Mazra3t. Motivation and Emotion publishes theoretical papers and original research reports of either a basic or applied nature from any area of psychology and behavioral science, provided that the focus is on motivation and/or emotion.
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